FROM VALUED SETTLERS TO ‘ENEMIES WITHIN’?
the outbreak of war, the New Zealand Government responded immediately to its
German-born population. Within days, it closed the German Consulates and seized
their papers. It had individuals considered a potential threat arrested and
interned, a few lucky ones being released on a restrictive parole. Throughout
the war, and even after its conclusion, a range of anti-alien legislation
controlled them. This control even involved forced repatriation to Germany for
some after the war.
The German Consulates
When war broke out, the British Government stated that it no longer recognised consuls throughout the British Empire who represented Germany or Austria-Hungary. Furthermore, it insisted that consuls holding the nationality of those two countries were to leave its territories. It also terminated the positions of British subjects who acted as consuls to either country.[i]
On 9 August 1914, New Zealand’s Minister of Internal Affairs instructed the Police to visit the five German Consulates, those of Carl Seegner (Auckland), F.A. Krull (Wanganui), Eberhard Focke (Wellington), Karl Joosten (Christchurch) and Willi Fels (Dunedin). Thus on 10 August, the police informed these men, all naturalised British subjects, of their changed circumstances in accordance with the British request, adding that any future communication they had with Germany became a treasonable offence. Furthermore, they seized and sealed up all archival material held at the consulates in the four main centres that related to consular activities. The material was to remain in custody, they explained, until the war ended. Any consul claiming German nationality could have left the country with his papers.[ii] The books and documents, in three boxes and a hamper, were deposited at the Public Trust Office in Wellington.[iii] The fifth Consul, F.A. Krull, formerly senior German Consul and latterly Consul for the Wanganui district, had actually retired from the position about two years earlier. Krull had been influential during much of his fifty-year career as Consul in matters relating to Manawatu-Rangitikei.[iv] The Minister of Internal Affairs was especially interested in the possibility that these archives contained the names of German Army Reservists living in New Zealand. He anticipated breaking the containers’ seals at some future time to search for such lists.[v]
The German Government considered this seizure to be a violation of International Law, and by November 1914, it and the Austro-Hungarian Government had invited the neutral United States Government to take charge of their Consulates in New Zealand. The American Consul General, J.I. Brittain, attempted unsuccessfully to recover the material. Although granted permission to inspect it, he could not do so unless a reliable police officer remained with him to ensure that he removed nothing.[vi] The archive of the Austro-Hungarian Consulate in Auckland had not been seized.[vii] In June 1917, the German Government again attempted to recover the material. This time it requested the help of the British Government (via the Swiss Government) to pressure the New Zealand Government. Again, the effort proved in vain.[viii] When Seegner’s widow made inquiries about it four years later, the archive remained in storage at Wellington.[ix]
least three of the former consuls (Seegner, Joosten and Focke) suffered
internment during the war. The former obtained a controversial early release due
to terminal diabetes.[x]
In fact, he survived until 1920.[xi]
Focke and Joosten actively represented their fellow internees on Somes Island
and later at Featherston.[xii]
The Government revoked the naturalisation papers of all three men in 1918,[xiii]
but apparently spared the same fate, the fourth former consul, Willi Fels, had
his naturalisation endorsed under the Imperial Certificate Act, 1928, in 1932.[xiv]
Krull suffered a stroke and died in November 1914, leaving his family believing
his premature death to be a consequence of the war.[xv]
Government also introduced legislation to control the activities of aliens
within New Zealand. Most targeted enemy aliens, but some, such as the
Registration of Aliens Act, 1917, inadvertently had a much wider reaching
effect. The War Regulations Act, 1914, and its successors permitted the
Government to regulate the powers and duties of the Defence Forces, the Police
and others acting on “His Majesty’s behalf.” Regulations under this Act
also prohibited activities considered injurious to public safety, such as by
enemy aliens, and established penalties for wrongdoers.[xvi]
July 1917, twelve regulations aimed at controlling aliens existed under the War
The 1914 regulations permitted enemy alien to be tried by Court Martial. They
required all enemy aliens to report to the Police. They also prohibited them
from changing their names. Regulations added in 1915 included the powers to
arrest and intern enemy aliens and sons of enemy aliens, to prevent them from
leaving New Zealand without the permission of the Minister of Defence, to define
the term ‘alien enemy’, and to arrest any alien. Added to these in 1916 were
regulations preventing enemy aliens from commencing and operating businesses in
New Zealand, or acquiring shares or debentures in a New Zealand company. The
regulations also prohibited them from engaging in foreign trade. Furthermore,
they stipulated that enemy aliens could not land in New Zealand, and anyone
appearing to be an enemy alien would be presumed to be one until “he”
produced evidence to the contrary.[xviii]
1915 Alien Enemy Teachers Act was the first legislation passed in New Zealand
during this period that was aimed entirely at enemy aliens. It banned payment of
public money to any educational institution that employed an enemy alien
teacher. Furthermore, it prevented such teachers from taking legal action over
the termination of their employment.[xix] Although aimed at enemy
aliens in general, this Act primarily targeted the German-born, but
English-raised Professor George von Zedlitz, a lecturer at Victoria University
College. Von Zedlitz was unnaturalised.[xx]
of New Zealand’s anti-alien legislation (some unsuccessfully), passed through
the House in late 1917. The first to be passed, in September 1917, was the
Revocation of Naturalisation Act.[xxi]
This Act permitted the removal of British naturalisation from anyone whose
activities the Government considered to be outside the best interests of the
country. It applied to immigrants born anywhere outside the British Empire,
since German migrants had settled throughout the world. For example, the
Government was conscious that American-born descendants of German migrants might
now be in New Zealand.[xxii]
Act also ensured that the Government could denaturalise the adult son or
daughter of a naturalised immigrant, and even a woman who gained her
naturalisation by marrying a British subject. At this time a wife automatically
received the nationality of her husband, thus a New Zealand-born woman became an
‘alien’ if she married an unnaturalised man. As only the suspect had his or
her naturalisation revoked, partners and children might remain British subjects.
What the Act did not allow was the right of appeal by anyone whose
naturalisation it revoked. The Government view was that the sources of
information it used in such cases, should remain secret.[xxiii]
the Revocation of Naturalisation Act affected only a few, the Registration of
passed on 29 September 1917, came to affect far more people than the Government
ever intended. This Act dealt with people of either sex who were not less than
fifteen years old and not British subjects by birth or naturalisation in New
Zealand. Thus, naturalised immigrants did not have to register, regardless of
their country of origin. The Act permitted the compilation of a Register of
Aliens, containing the names and addresses of people born outside the British
Empire and who still held ‘foreign’ nationality. Failure to register, at the
local police station, could result in a £50 fine.
The War Legislation Act[xxv], passed on 31 October 1917, permitted the Supreme Court to forfeit to the Crown any forfeitable estate or interest in land acquired by an enemy alien since the war began. An Order of Forfeiture on such property could be made during or after the war. The Government retained the right to distribute the proceeds of any subsequent sales as it saw fit. This Act also dealt with the electoral rights of enemy aliens. They could not vote in local authority elections or be elected or appointed as a member of those bodies. Aliens who were not enemy aliens could not be elected or appointed as members of such a body, but were permitted to vote, unless specifically disqualified by statute.
1916 and 1919, John Brown, M.P. for Napier, made four attempts to pass the
Naturalised Subjects’ Franchise Bill.[xxvi] This Bill aimed to
prevent naturalised people born in enemy countries from voting, occupying a
variety of public offices including Parliamentary offices, and from holding
liquor licences. The Bill copied almost word for word the Naturalised
Subjects’ Franchise Act passed in New South Wales in 1916.[xxvii]
While the Bill was never passed, aspects of it were included in the Registration
of Aliens Act, 1917, and the War Legislation Act, 1917. Brown also
unsuccessfully introduced the Registration of Business Names Bill, another
anti-alien bill, on four of the five occasions it appeared between 1917 and
Somes Island Internment Camp
war broke out in 1914, the New Zealand Government faced another problem; how to
deal with people immediately considered a security threat. A number of German
men living in or visiting New Zealand when war broke out were members of the
German Army Reserve, and would have served in Germany’s Armed Forces were they
not absent. Some of these men were seamen whose ships were simply in the wrong
port at the wrong time. Their personal allegiance doubtless rested with Germany.
Others were immigrants, whose personal allegiances were a little less certain.
The Minister of Internal Affairs had hoped to find the names of these potential
threats when he had the German Consulates raided on 10 August 1914.[xxix]
at the hands of Napoleon in 1806 had led to the reorganisation of the Prussian
military and ultimately to the predicament in which these men found themselves.
Napoleon told Prussia that in future it could only have a standing army of
42,000 men. To counter this, Prussia’s military reforms of 1814 and 1815
introduced its male population to conscription and lengthy service in the
Prussian Army. Thereafter they spent a longer period in the reserves while going
about their normal civilian lives. Thus, Prussia’s small ‘official’ army
operated alongside a far larger one held in reserve.[xxx]
1914, every German man aged between 17 and 45 years, “unless a member of the
ruling classes or certain princely families,” was liable for military service.
Active service involved two or three years in the standing army and four or five
in the reserves. Thereafter men transferred to the Landwehr,
or militia, where they spent their first five years in the 1st Battalion. When
they turned 38, they transferred to the Landwehr’s
2nd Battalion. From there until the age of 45 they served in the 1st and 2nd
Battalions of the Landsturm, which
aimed to defend Germany or “in extraordinary circumstances to provide
reinforcements for the Standing Army.” As a result, Germany’s peacetime
standing army of some 800,000 could expand upon mobilisation to over 3 million.[xxxi]
The New Zealand authorities therefore reacted as if they were dealing with a
small contingent of trained German soldiers living within New Zealand’s
Government had selected Somes Island in Wellington Harbour, as a suitable
internment camp for civilian prisoners of war. With a tendency to strong winds
and frequent rain, the island had previously ‘welcomed’ immigrants and later
livestock to the country during a forty-year career as a quarantine station.
Large buildings dating back to its human quarantining days had been maintained,
if unused, for many years.[xxxii]
These then were to be the internees’ homes for the next four years.
Zealand established two internment camps for civilian prisoners of war. In
addition, in April 1916, a detention barracks at Devonport held 13 men. Somes
Island, in Wellington Harbour, held the “ordinary grade” internees. Motuihi
Island, in the Hauraki Gulf, held those of the “higher grade.” Most of these
prisoners entered captivity during New Zealand’s occupation of Western Samoa
in 1914. Count Felix von Luckner and some of his raider’s crew also usually
resided here. In April 1916, Motuihi held 42 prisoners. By late 1917, it held 55
men and one woman, all but four of them German.
The commandant of Somes Island throughout the internment period was Major Dugald Matheson.[xxxiv] A former schoolteacher who grew up in the Manawatu, Matheson taught at Stanway School, near Halcombe, between 1894 and 1901. He would therefore have taught the children of, and mingled with, the many Scandinavian and German families living in that district. Possibly this previous experience with these immigrants influenced the decision to give him command of Somes Island. Matheson taught at Wellington Boys College between 1901 and his retirement due to ill health in 1913. His services with the Defence Department appear to have ended around the time the prisoners left and during the 1920s, he returned to primary school teaching.[xxxv]
war broke out, the Government began seeking those it regarded as potentially
On 8 August 1914, the Police Commissioner, J. Cullen, ordered the arrest and
detention of all German officers and reservists as prisoners of war. The Police
were also to watch Austrian officers and reservists.[xxxvii]
In response to a range of confused replies,[xxxviii]
Cullen advised his staff that they required no arrest warrant to do this[xxxix]
and were to deliver prisoners to the nearest Defence Headquarters. The Defence
authorities in turn would deliver them to Wellington.[xl]
brothers, Ludwig (c34), Otto (28) and Michael (25) Eder from Lower Bavaria, all
flaxmill workers at Foxton and all German Army Reservists, were “captured”
on 10 August 1914 and taken to Somes Island. The two youngest Eders were single
and had been in New Zealand only 11 months. Ludwig, having spent two years in
the German Army, was in its Second Reserves. He and his wife emigrated around
1908 and Ludwig found work in September 1909 at William Ross & Son’s
flaxmill. By 1914, they had five
children, a section, a whare and no money. He did, however, have the support of
his employer, Alexander Ross, several leading Foxton residents and the
Sub-Inspector of Police at Palmerston North, all of whom vouched for his
character and worthiness to be released on parole. He had an important role in
Ross’s business and the Sub-Inspector, also realised that his family would
soon be destitute without him. Thus, he received parole on 16 August, no doubt
to the great relief of all concerned.[xli]
In June 1916, John Payne, M.P. for Grey Lynn and the parliamentary mouthpiece of
the Anti-German League, asked the Minister of Defence why Ludwig was released
and held an engineering job in Ross’s company that a “Britisher” should
have. Sir James Allen spoke of the above arrangements and added that “In this
case consideration was given to the position of Eder’s wife and five children,
British-born subjects, who were without money and would have become a charge
upon the state.”[xlii]
the Government recognised that one implication of interning breadwinners was the
hardships suffered by families. Thus on 2 October 1914, the Department of
Health, Hospitals and Charitable Aid issued a circular to Hospital and
Charitable Aid Boards around the country, agreeing to pay half of any relief
they supplied to such families.[xliii]
no date appears on the list concerned, nine men from Manawatu, Rangitikei and
Horowhenua suffered internment in the early days of the war. W.P. Appelt and C.
Branckebursch came from Palmerston North, F.L.C. Dorsch from Halcombe; C.N.
Eckhardt from Marton, E. Fischer from Feilding, M. and O. Eder and E. Schneider
from Foxton, and C. Stamzar from Levin. Of these, Appelt, Dorsch, the Eder
brothers and Schneider were Reservists, Eckhardt was considered dangerous and
Fischer, a married man, was under suspicion. Branckebursch had criminal charges
pending against him and his internment was at the recommendation of the police.
Stamzar, an Austrian, had failed to report to the police.[xliv]
Only Appelt and the Eder brothers appear in the Alien Register as being on the
island by late 1917 (See
Appendix Table 5).[xlv]
Branckebursch and Fischer, however, were amongst those released in late 1919.[xlvi]
numbers gradually increased throughout the war. The 80 shocked and highly
agitated internees of 12 August 1914,[xlvii] became the 246 more
orderly prisoners of April 1916, 215 (87%) being German.[xlviii]
In late 1917 Somes held 277 men, 234 (84%) of them German.[xlix]
By May 1918, the camp housed 313 internees.[l]
The xenophobia of the time saw the authorities plagued with information on
potential internees whose real crime was their ethnicity.[li]
Others, such as Mangaweka jeweller Max Bornhold, a former Lieutenant in the Army
Reserves, made the mistake of tangling with the New Zealand mail censor.
The Bornhold family arrived in New Zealand in 1898, after five years in Queensland. Max Bornhold was naturalised in 1905 and at about this time he endeavoured to give up his German nationality. He found, though, that an 1869 German law stated that any German subject who lived in a foreign country for ten years, “unless matriculated at the German Consulate of that country,” lost all the rights of his nationality and automatically ceased to be a subject of the German Empire. Bornhold thus considered himself”a full British subject, with all the right, duties and responsibilities entailed by that position.”[lii]
Bornhold’s pride in his homeland, and the fact that his wife and daughter were
in Germany when war broke out, proved to be his downfall. The former came to the
attention of the authorities in October 1914 in a letter from an
ex-acquaintance. The latter predicament resulted in Bornhold’s internment. In
an attempt to provide for his family stranded in Germany, Bornhold sent money to
them via a relative in the United States. Unfortunately, the Censor found his
wife’s ‘thank you’ letter, sent back by the same route.[liii]
7 August 1916, the local constable woke Bornhold and took him to Wellington.
After a lengthy wait at the Defence Department, Bornhold discovered he was there
to be interned. His tools, repair work and merchandise lay untouched until late
February 1917, when he and a camp guard visited Mangaweka to pack them. The
guard reported that “Bornhold has had a very friendly reception from the
Problems on Somes Island
Hague Convention, otherwise known as the ‘International Convention with
respect to the Laws and Customs of War by Land,’ dates to 1899. The revised
and renewed 1907 version provided the conditions under which New Zealand was to
run its internment camps. Great Britain had signed the Convention on behalf of
the British Empire, including New Zealand.[lv]
This required that:
“Prisoners of war must be humanely treated, protected from
violence, not subject to reprisals, and supplied with reasonable nourishment as
well as medical and sanitary facilities. They are regarded as being in the power
of the Government of the captors, and not in that of the captors themselves;
their personal belongings (other than arms and military papers) remain their
own; they may not be detained in a convict prison; the captor State may utilize
their labour, except in the case of officers, with payment according to rank and
ability, but they may not be engaged in excessive work or any tasks relating to
of war in New Zealand were the prisoners of the British Government, not of the
New Zealand Government. Imperial instructions, as well as the Hague Convention,
thus guided New Zealand’s actions regarding their treatment.[lvii]
This guidance did not, however, extend readily to the release of internees into
private employment. By June 1916, by which time the British Government had freed
some 15,000 prisoners under these terms, the New Zealand Government had freed
only two. Even the German Government released British prisoners of war under a
of ill treatment on Somes Island led to a Royal Commission, conducted in 1918 by
Judge Frederick R. Chapman. According to the Feilding
Star of 30 March 1918, Chapman was the only New Zealand judge familiar with
the German language. He was also an authority on international law. Despite an
earlier attempt by the United States Consul to have the situation examined,[lix]
the Swiss Consul only succeeded in this advocacy role after his visit to the
island in January 1918. Other pressure had come from Count Felix von Luckner,
formerly commander of the German raider Seeadler,
but by then a resident of Motuihi Island Internment Camp. A Seeadler
crewmember interned on Somes had informed him of conditions there.[lx]
small exercise books now held at the Alexander Turnbull Library provide vivid
accounts of the prisoners’ perspective of the behaviour of Major Matheson and
the guards. Chapman, however, considered much of the evidence presented to him
to be unsatisfactory or exaggerated, and that those who complained tended to
have flawed characters if he investigated their backgrounds. He branded most as
simply troublemakers. He also found that even those with grievances still
remarked on acts of kindness they had received from the staff.[lxi]
If their claims were true, and they prepared themselves quite well,[lxii]
then Chapman often fobbed them off. At the same time, though, he did concede
that some guards were probably not “men of such character as to justify
placing them in positions of responsibility.”[lxiii]
Joosten, former German consul at Christchurch, served as spokesperson for the
internees at this time. He also acted as interpreter at their request. The
series of statements recorded in the aforementioned exercise books reveal
graphic detail of alleged beatings, abuse and humiliation, and also that some of
this punishment was inflicted because non-English-speaking internees did not
always understand instructions given by guards.[lxiv]
It also reveals that internees recognised their rights under the Hague
Convention and that some of their protests were in response to alleged
considered that the Somes Island internees had been forced to do work that they
should not have been compelled to do. This included road making (other than
tracks for their own use as recreation grounds), carrying water and provisions
up to the camp, and making and tending a vegetable garden. This had been done
from the beginning without remuneration and therefore was a clear violation of
the Hague Convention. The spokesman for the Somes Island prisoners, presumably
Joosten, remarked in response that, “This question of compulsory work is at
the bottom of most of the trouble. If it were not enforced more than half the
trouble would disappear.” A report submitted on the largest internment camp in
Australia showed that, in exchange for payment, large numbers of internees had
volunteered to work. Chapman did not
know if payment would be the answer on Somes.[lxv]
Certainly, it would have helped.
The transcript of a speech made by Matheson on 16 August 1916, in Karl Joosten’s handwriting, indicates someone acting on unrestrained racism. It also confirms the mutual hatred between gaolers and gaoled. Matheson acknowledged that he made this speech, the contents of which Chapman described as “inexcusable”.[lxvi] Joosten’s statement to Chapman, dated 28 May 1918, reveals the internees’ total lack of respect for Matheson, both as a soldier and as a “gentleman.” Joosten also looked forward to a more dispassionate investigation of conditions at the camp, some time in the future.[lxvii] Chapman concluded his report aware of its many imperfections. After hearing 113 witnesses, he described the inquiry as an unpleasant and “painful task of listening to a contest between men who throughout exhibited much bitterness towards each other, freely imputing bad faith and other offences. In all my career I do not think I have seen so much evidence of bitterness and animosity.”[lxviii]
the problems encountered during internment, life on the outside was at least as
difficult. The majority of un-naturalised ‘enemy aliens’ remained at large,
reporting regularly to the police. As employment opportunities evaporated, many
even asked to be interned and thereby maintained. The Government, to the regret
of many in the wider population, could not oblige them all.[lxix]
[i] Minister of Internal Affairs to Solicitor-General, 9 August 1914, AAAB 478/12ap, German Consular Archives, NA; also British and Foreign State Papers, Vol. 108, (1914) Part II, pp.94-5.
[ii] Commissioner of Police to Inspector of Police, Wanganui c9 August 1914; Minister of Internal Affairs to Solicitor-General, 9 August 1914. Both AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[iii] Minister of Internal Affairs to Solicitor-General, 9 August 1914, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[iv] Report F.A. Krull in AAAB 478/12ap, NA; also Wanganui Chronicle, 30 November 1914.
[v] Minister of Internal Affairs to Solicitor-General, 9 August 1914, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[vi] Under Secretary of Internal Affairs to Commissioner of Police, 24 November 1914, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[vii] J.L. Brittain to Internal Affairs, 6 November 1914, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[viii] W.H. Long, Downing St., London, to the Governor-General, New Zealand 14 July 1917, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[ix] Commissioner of Police to Under Secretary, Internal Affairs, 3 May 1921, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[x] NZPD, Vol. 176, (1916), p.186, 483; Vol. 177 (1916), p.260.
[xi] Death Registration, Carl Seegner, 1920, Folio 2967, Registrar-General, births, deaths and marriages index, Per New Zealand Society of Genealogists microfiche.
[xii] Examples are MS 2071 Somes Island Statements, statement by Karl Joosten, spokesman, to Justice Chapman, 28 May 1918, WTU; also Eberhard Focke to Sir James Allen, c14 February 1919, on behalf of 60 internees, AAAB 482/60q 603, A.M.A. Bornhold, NA.
[xiii] Manawatu Evening Standard 8 June 1918, p.2(3).
[xiv] Willi Fels, Ref. 20/1/478 (1890/2897), Register of Persons Naturalised in New Zealand before 1948: Non-Commonwealth; also NZPD, Vol. 175, (1916) p.273.
[xv] Wanganui Chronicle 30 November 1914, ‘Personal’; also Palmerston North Group of New Zealand Society of Genealogists, Early Settlers Index, ‘Frederick Augustus Krull’ file - containing photocopy of typescript biography by Athol L. Kirk, entitled ‘Frederick Augustus Krull’.
[xvi] New Zealand Statutes, (1914) pp.128-9.
[xvii] Ibid., (1914) pp.128-9; (1915) p.10.
[xviii] Major-General A.W. Robin, Commanding N.Z. Military Forces, to Minister of Defence, 7/7/1917. Lists N.Z. Gazette references. AAAR 477/1ad Procedures for dealing with Aliens, NA.
[xix] N.Z. Statutes (1915) pp.361-2.
[xx] R. McLennan, Glimpses into Early Normandale (Upper Hutt, 1993), pp.115-7.
[xxi] N.Z. Statutes (1917), pp.22-3.
[xxii] NZPD, Vol. 179 (1917), pp.873-4.
[xxiii] Ibid., Vol. 178 (1917), p.840.
[xxiv] N.Z. Statutes, 1917, pp.64-6.
[xxv] Ibid., pp.97-100.
[xxvi] New Zealand Bills Thrown Out, 1917, No. 36--1.
[xxvii] NZPD, Vol. 180 (1917), pp.40-2.
[xxviii] NZPD, Vol. 178 (1917) pp. 843-9; also N.Z. Bills Thrown Out, 1917, No. 5--1.
[xxix] Minister of Internal Affairs to Solicitor-General, 9 August 1914, AAAB 478/12ap, NA.
[xxx] Thomas Nipperdey, Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck, 1800-1866 (Germany, 1983, English translation, Dublin, 1996), p.40-2. Also Manawatu Evening Standard, 22 September 1917, ‘Some unconsidered aspects of the War.’ Report on an address by Mr Poynton given on 21 September 1917 to the Palmerston North Philosophical Society.
[xxxi] Geoffrey Evans, Tannenberg 1410/1914 (London, 1970), pp.62-3.
[xxxii] Report of Mr. Justice Chapman respecting the Treatment of Prisoners of War at Somes Island, AJHR, 1919, H-33, pp.1-2.
[xxxiii] NZPD., Vol. 177 (1916), p.706; also Report of A.A. Winslow, American Consul-General, to Department of State, Washington, on internment facilities in New Zealand, AJHR, 1917, A-1, pp.10-3.
[xxxiv] AJHR, 1919, H-33, p.1.
[xxxv] NZPD, Vol. 185 (1919), p.696; also W.J. Lauridsen, Linton 1889-1989 (Palmerston North, 1989), p.43.
[xxxvi] For example, Commissioner of Police to Superintendent Mitchell, Dunedin, 7 August 1914, AAAB 478/2av Enemy Reservists, NA.
[xxxvii] Commissioner of Police to All (Police) Districts, telegram, 8 August 1914, AAAB 478/2av, NA.
[xxxviii] For example, Superintendent Mitchell, Dunedin, to Commissioner of Police, 8/8/1914; Superintendent Dwyer, Christchurch, to Commissioner of Police, 8 August 1914; Inspector Wilson, Wanganui, to Commissioner of Police, 10 August 1914; Superintendent Kiely, Auckland, to Commissioner of Police, 14 August 1914. AAAB 478/2av, NA.
[xxxix] Commissioner of Police to Superintendent Mitchell, Dunedin, 10 August 1914, AAAB 478/2av, NA.
[xl] For example, Commissioner of Police to Superintendent Kiely, Auckland, 8 August 1914, AAAB 478/2av, NA.
[xli] Sub-Inspector Marsack to Inspector of Police, Wanganui, 10 August 1914 and 21 August 1914; Wm. Ross & Son Ltd., Foxton, to Minister of Defence, 13 August 1914, AAAB 482/24k 230 L. Eder, NA.
[xlii] NZPD, Vol. 175 (1916), p.818.
[xliii] Circular No: 210, Jos. P. Frengley, Dept. of Public Health, Hospitals & Charitable Aid, Wellington, to all Hospital and Charitable Aid Boards, 2 October 1914, Note: Cites publication of this notice in the Police Gazette, 1914/645. AAAB 478/8bc, Prisoners of War, particulars of arrest, NA.
[xliv] Undated list of Manawatu-Rangitikei internees in file AAAB 482/1d, M. Eder, NA.
[xlv] N.Z. Dept. of Internal Affairs, Register of Aliens, 1917, pp.683-691.
[xlvi] List of prisoners to be released unconditionally, December 1919, AAAB 482/60q 603 A.M.A. Bornhold, NA.
[xlvii] AJHR, 1919, H-33, p.22.
[xlviii] A.A. Winslow, American Consul-General, to Department of State, Washington, AJHR, 1917, A-1, pp.10-3; also L.S. Fanning, ‘Interned Aliens. Life on Somes Island. Prisoners well treated, a quiet existence’, in New Zealand Herald, 7 April 1916, p.4(8).
[xlix] New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs: Register of Aliens, 1917, pp.681-91.
[l] AJHR, 1919, H-33, p.22.
[li] Simon Johnson, The Home Front, Aspects of Civilian Patriotism in New Zealand during the First World War, (MA thesis, Massey University, Palmerston North, 1975), p.87.
[lii] Max Bornhold to Minister of Internal Affairs, 26 July 1920, IA 1, 20/7/18, A.M.A. Bornhold, NA.
[liii] J. Walter Bull, Gisborne, to Minister of Defence, 7 October 1914; Deputy Chief Postal Censor to Colonel Gibbon - including copies of the correspondence from the USA and Germany, 14 July 1916, AAAB 482/60q 603 A.M.A. Bornhold, NA.
[liv] Private Caldwell, Mangaweka, to Major Matheson, Somes Island, 1 April 1917 [should be 1 March 1917] and 2 March 1917, AAAB 482/60q 603 A.M.A. Bornhold, NA.
[lv] British and Foreign State Papers, Vol. 91 (1898-1899), pp.988-1002; Vol. 101 (1907-1908) pp.159-160. (Note, Published in French).
[lvi] Keesing’s Treaties and Alliances of the World, A Survey of International Treaties in Force and Communities of States (Keesing’s Publications Ltd., Bristol, England, 1968), p.2.
[lvii] NZPD, Vol. 171 (1914), pp.310-1.
[lviii] Ibid., Vol. 175 (1916), p.654; Vol. 177 (1916), p.259.
[lix] A.A. Winslow, American Consul-General, to Department of State, Washington, AJHR, 1917, A-1, pp. 10-3. This report indicates that as at April 1916, Winslow was satisfied with conditions on Somes.
[lx] AJHR, 1919, H-33, pp.3-4.
[lxi] Ibid., pp.4-5.
[lxii] Ibid., p.3.
[lxiii] Ibid., p.10.
[lxiv] For example, statement signed by Friedrich Schwarz, Fritz Allmeritter, A. Graw, W. Otting, Wilhelm Knapeck; and statements of Albert Wilke, Theodore Keller, Edward Bilke, Carl Hadler, MS Papers 2071 Somes Island Statements, WTU.
[lxv] AJHR, 1919, H-33, pp.10-1, 18-9, 22-3.
[lxvi] Transcript of Major Matheson’s alleged speech to prisoners of war 16 September 1916, MS Papers 2071, WTU; also AJHR, 1919, H-33, p. 17.
[lxvii] Karl Joosten’s statement to Judge Chapman, 28 May 1918, MS Papers 2071, WTU.
[lxviii] AJHR, 1919, H-33, pp.26-7.
[lxix] Johnson, p.93, 100.
© Val Burr, 2003